On the exact day Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an similarly flamboyant security policy document. This fairly brief paper drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically humble claim that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of catastrophe and ruin."
Even though the strategy largely codifies the ongoing policies and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a serious caution for the international community, and for the European continent specifically.
The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European strength." Its language could have been lifted directly from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the so-called refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence." More worryingly, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the real and more stark prospect of civilizational erasure."
The whole section dedicated to Europe is imbued with generations of European right-wing ideology and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, suppression of free speech and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-belief." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economies and armed forces powerful enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to champion genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and proud celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."
These arguments carry powerful echoes of two theories seen as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.
It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "The United States urges its political allies in Europe to advance this resurgence of spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."
Put simply, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" focuses on "fostering opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays unclear on methods, it is obvious that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an adversary either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
This is entirely new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will at last realize that the stance is serious. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in plain and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a deliberate adversary. It is time to act appropriately.
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